Islam and Arab Nationalismаааааааааааааааааааа

 

By Prof. Paul Eidelberg

 

 

Although it is commonly known that Islam is a militant creed, few take seriously Islam's latent ambition to transform the world--which it did to no small extent within a hundred years of its founding.а All the more need to emphasize the fact that the one billion Muslims on planet earth render the Islamic religion a transnational and growing force in global affairs.

 

To be sure, tensions exist between ethnic identity and religious loyalty among various non-Arab Muslim minorities, such as the Kurds of Iraq and the Berbers of Morocco.а One should also recall that Sunni-Muslim-Arab Iraq not only initiated a long, drawn out war with Iran, a Shiite-Muslim and non-Arab state, but also invaded Sunni-Muslim-Arab Kuwait.

 

It is also true that Egypt and Syria joined the US-led coalition against Iraq in the Persian Gulf War.а Yet neither of these Islamic regimes engaged Iraq in actual combat.а Neither Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak nor the late Syrian president Hafez al-Assad wished to see the infidel West topple a fellow-Muslim ruler--and not only to prevent the destabilization of their own regimes.а

 

It remains a pregnant fact that Egypt and Syria, along with such non-Arab states as Iran, Turkey, and Indonesia, are part of the Islamic bloc in the United Nations.а Because they take enormous pride in their common religion, they consult with each other on international affairs.а The point to bear in mind, however, is that Muslim leaders regard the West as a threat to the religious and political structure of Islamic civilization.а

 

Unlike the (Christian) West, Islam does not separate religion from politics.а Various Muslim intellectuals do not hesitate to define Islam as a "political religion."а One such Muslim is 'Abd al-Rahman al-Bazzaz (1913-197?), a former Dean of the Law School at Baghdad, who became Iraqi prime minister 1968 (but subsequently fell out of favor and died in exile).а

 

Bazzaz rejects the Western concept of religion.а He rightly observes that the West "restricts religion within narrow limits not extending beyond worship, ritual, and the spiritual beliefs, which govern a man in his behavior, in relation to his G-d and to his brother man, in his capacity of an individual independent of society."а

 

In contrast, Islam "is a social order, a philosophy of life, a system of economic principles, a rule of government, in addition to its being a religious creed in the narrow Western sense."а Moreover, for Bazzaz, Islam cannot be true to itself unless it extends its domain (dar-al-Islam) through the world.

 

Sharing Bazzaz's pan-Islamic vision is Abu-'Ala-Mawdudi (d. 1979) of Pakistan.а In 1941, Mawdudi founded the Jama-at-i-Islam (the Islamic Association), which is committed to the establishment of an Islamic world order or society.аа "Islam," he writes, "presents to all mankind a social system of justice and piety based on creed and morality and invites all towards it.... Be it in the sphere of economics or politics or civics or legal rights and duties or anything else, those who accept Islam are not divided by any distinction of nationality or race or class or country.а The ultimate goal of Islam is a world-state in which the chains of racial and national prejudices would be dismantled and all mankind incorporated in a cultural and political system, with equal rights and equal opportunities for all..."

 

The same attitude will be found in former minister of education Michel Aflac, who received a licentiate in history at the Sorbonne.а Aflac is dazzled by the vastness or potential unity of the Arab Lumma--the Arab nation.а "The Arabs," he argues, "are singled out from other nations by this characteristic:а their national consciousness is joined to a religious message; or more precisely, this message is an eloquent expression of that national consciousness."

 

Like other Arab writers, Aflac's view of Arab history is tendentious, to put it kindly.а The Arabs, he contends, did not "conquer countries and rule merely for economic motives, for reasons of race or for the desire of dominating and subjugating ... but to fulfill a religious duty which was truth, guidance, mercy, justice, and sacrifice.... As long as the tie between Arabism and Islam remains strong and as long as we see in Arabism a body whose soul is Islam, there is no reason to fear that the Arabs will go to extremes in their nationalism.а It will never attain the fanaticism of injustice and [European] colonialism."

 

Yet it is precisely because of its fanaticism that various Muslim modernists would like to see a "Protestant Reformation" in Islam.а These reformers are confronted by two perhaps insurmountable obstacles.а One is the Koran itself, which is not only sacrosanct, but permeated by bellicosity.а The other obstacle is the Muslim masses, whose fervid attachment to the Koran is the very basis of Islamic dictatorships.

 

Nevertheless, a review of Muslim modernists is in order.а This will be provided in the next article of this series.

 

 

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